Cameron and the economics of the family

19 06 2011

You can tell the Tory Party is in trouble.  Dreadful economic numbers, NHS reforms in tatters, public sector workers declaring that enough is enough.  So, once again, David Cameron uses Father’s Day, that annual festival for the greetings card industry, to make pronouncements on family issues in a piece in the Sunday Telegraph today.

At one level you have to hand it to the Tories.  In the old days, kicking a few single mothers would have been enough.  Now it’s more sophisticated – now it’s fathers who run away from their responsibilities who are in the firing line and there’s even a reference in Cameron’s piece to heroic single mothers.  Progress of a sort, I guess, but Cameron’s argument still shows overwhelmingly that he doesn’t get it on the family, and what his chosen economic ideology does to them.

Cameron’s article is couched almost entirely in terms of the economic role of fathers, and underlying it is a potent but nonsensical myth – that families can and should be supported by a single male income.  Pernicious, because it involves an economic determinism of gender roles that has no intellectual support, but also mendacious because it ignores how the balance of economic power has shifted against those on average incomes in the neoliberal decades – indeed, how it has shifted from wage-earners to the holders of capital.

My father was a skilled worker earning quite a bit more than the average wage.  Growing up in the 1970s that allowed us to live comfortably, as homeowners in a pleasant suburban semi.  In other words, on one income we had a lifestyle that increasingly now takes two full-time incomes to maintain.  Moreover, we had the expectation of things like a free university education – I was the first member of my family to go to university as a result.  I guess we were pretty normal.  We certainly – apart from the mortgage – never used credit – to this day my father refuses to have a credit card.  It’s quite hard to think that how recent that all is, and how different it is from the economic struggle families face now, balancing their working lives and sinking scarce resources into childcare.  I don’t want the old split of men earning, women at home; I want both parents to be able to make their own choices about how they raise children, without both being forced into full-time employment.

Much of the change is due to housing costs.  The idea that you could buy a family home for a little more than twice the national average wage is laughable now – if Cameron is sincere in looking for factors that have had a serious impact upon family life he might want to consider the house price inflation of the past decades, in which we have become brainwashed into thinking that rising house prices are a symptom of prosperity.  Home ownership was once the bedrock of Tory social ideology, reaching its apogee in what we now know was the disastrous policy of selling off social housing – now, for a whole generation, it is an impossibility, while renting has none of the security that legislation provides to tenants in mainland Europe.  And lifestyles are increasingly funded by the rolling over of credit.  And this is increasingly a cause of economic instability – as David Harvey has convincingly argued, every economic crisis since the 1970s has originated in a credit bubble fuelled by speculative property-price inflation.  Speculation, house price inflation, economic instability and credit-fuelled consumption have meant that economic life has become more and more difficult for people – families – who are earning average or above-average incomes, while wages continue to decline as a proportion of total income.

So Cameron’s vision of father going to work to provide economic security is no more than a piece of nostalgia – the sort of nostalgia that survives in the most economically privileged Cabinet for decades but has no relation to daily life as lived by the vast majority of citizens.  Yes, marital breakdown is an issue and of course there are men who run away from their responsibilities, economic and otherwise – but let’s stop making easy judgements about individuals when the system is stacked so firmly against them.  And New Labour, locked in its free-market mindset, is guilty of exactly the same simplifications.

Most of all, this is about allocating blame for poverty to the poor themselves.  Children and single mothers do not, in Cameron’s view, live in poverty because the economic system has failed them and because the ideology of market economics is stacked so overwhelmingly against them, but because of the actions of feckless individuals.  We are back to the ideological distinction, so important to neoliberalism and the intellectual core of the Big Society, the contrast between the deserving and the undeserving poor.  It was a lie that Beveridge and his successors nailed more than half a century ago, but ideology, the illusion of prosperity, the growth of evangelical religion and the cheap moralism of the media have allowed its return.  It’s as toxic as it ever was and it’s the duty of anyone who believes themselves to be on the left  – are you listening Ed Miliband – to fight it with every weapon they have.





Private schools and the Tory culture of bullying

29 01 2011

Yesterday, I blogged about Andrew Neil’s film Posh and Posher, which described the hold private schools have on our political culture.  Today, by way of an ironic counterpoint, the Independent describes how the Coalition is trying to hound the Chair of the Charities Commission, Dame Suzi Leather, out of her job for enforcing the rules around charitable status for private schools.

This is the latest instalment in a long-running saga in which regulators have been seeking to hold private schools to account for the huge tax benefits they enjoy as charities – effectively they can reclaim the tax paid by parents on their school fees.  Taken together with VAT exemption, it means that private schools enjoy massive subsidies from the taxpayer, to the point where the tax breaks per pupil at a top private school will be far more than the expenditure on educating a child at a state secondary.

At a time when education, like the rest of the public sector, is facing massive cuts which will inevitably hit the poorest hardest, the Tories and Liberal Democrats’ defence of this bung for the rich demonstrates the mendacity of the claim that “we’re all in this together”.

But the interesting thing here is the methodology.  It’s another demonstration that in the Tory Dem world, public servants – especially those with a high-profile – are regarded as fair game – cheered on, of course, by Britain’s tabloid yellow press.

Here’s another example, this time in local government.  Recently Baroness Eaton, chair of the Local Government Association, has hit back at what she describes as attacks by Central Government on Local Government:

Lady Eaton claimed the current financial situation ‘will challenge local authorities more than they have ever been challenged before’ but, she added: ‘I think it doesn’t help when ministers trivialise it by comparing councils with bankers.’

As for the attacks on chief executive pay, Lady Eaton said: ‘Certain politicians are peddling the view that top officers in local government are causing the financial problem.’

She claimed: ‘It’s dishonest to compare the salaries of officers and politicians.’ The comparison was further muddied because ‘they quote gross pay for the chief executives, and net for the prime minister’.

She defended staff over central government attacks over road gritting during the snow, claiming frontline workers did ‘a marvellous job’.

‘It gives staff a real feeling of not being valued, and we have a lot of hard-working individuals in local government.’

Unsurprisingly in this case the bully-in-chief is Local Government secretary Eric Pickles, who once joked that he would keep a revolver in his desk to shoot any Civil Servant who told him something he didn’t want to hear -  who has established quite a track record – witness his smearing of the head of the Electoral Commission, reputed to have cost the Government £50,000 in legal fees; his recent need to issue a humiliating policy after joining the EDL bandwagon against councils allegedly replacing Christmas with Winterval, or gloating that many of the thousands of staff sacked by Manchester City Council were doing “non-jobs”. 

Far from being a Government embracing a big society in which we’re all in it together, the Coalition seems to rejoice in bullying public servants who aren’t in a position to respond.  It’s a tactic learned on the playing fields of public schools, imitated by people like Pickles (no doubt determined to fit in with the Etonians around the cabinet table), and subsidised handsomely by ordinary taxpayers.








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